2009, p.90).
The composition of the immigrant population could also affect receptivity. For example, length of U.S. residence and cultural and linguistic fluency can make immigrant workers more acceptable, and thus result in higher wages. "In the short run, immigrants earn significantly less than native-born workers…In industrialized countries, there is apparently a tendency for citizens to be less willing to take on certain menial and low-status jobs as economies advance…Thus, immigrants compensate for their lower earnings by putting in more working hours with their strong motivation to work... immigrants generally improve their wage returns to their human capital with increasing length of stay in the host country" (Takei et al. 2009, p.77) However, if prejudices against immigrants continue unabated, it is possible that this cultural legacy of employment may be hard to shake off even for long-time residents, despite the researcher's contention that, regardless of state: "With increasing time in the United States, Mexican immigrants have higher rates of English fluency, higher levels of education, higher presence in higher-status occupations, higher labor market wages, and lower poverty rates" (Takei et al. 2009, p.77).
Acculturation does not always come so easily to many immigrant groups, argues Araujo Dawson in her study of Dominican women and the psychological stresses of acculturation from Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. Dawson states that there is a strong correlation between experiencing employment discrimination and stress levels. But her results were ambiguous. On one hand, apparent assimilation in physicality and dress facilitated higher wages, less discrimination and less stress for female workers: "factors such as lighter skin color, higher socioeconomic and immigration status have been identified as diminishing the negative affects of such discriminatory...
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